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Although not all of us were able to vote until 1929, if you know who could vote, where, and when, then another potential source of information about your ancestors becomes available.

As with many historical records, getting the best from electoral records requires a little knowledge about their background: why and when they were generated and, specifically, what the qualifications were to vote, as these changed with changing legislation.

The 1696 Act for regulating elections was the main drive for the publication of Poll Books. This provided that sheriffs were responsible for compiling a record of the poll in county elections and that those returning officers should make these records available to all. These Poll Books are the books in which the votes cast at parliamentary elections were recorded. Not only were polls not secret, but people's names were published together with how they voted. To those of us brought up in the twentieth century, in the age of the secret ballot, the gathering of records about individuals' political preferences may seem strange but the publication of Poll Books continued right up to the Ballot Act of 1872.

The Poll Books contain the name and address and sometimes occupation of the voter, or the address of the 'freehold' (property) that entitled the voter to his vote. Occasionally there are also snippets of 'extra' information, such as the listing of religious dissenters, Roman Catholics or paupers.

Voters Lists and Freeholders Registers give similar information to the Poll Books but do not record how people voted. Some records also remain of the additions and removals from the lists of those entitled to vote, together with qualifications for being able to vote.

The Sheriff's Lists were books compiled annually and they contain the names and residences of every male freeholder in his county. This was kept for the purposes of summoning juries. Where they survive, they also complement the Poll Books for lists of freeholders.

Before the 1872 Ballot Act introduced the secret ballot, voters were required to physically stand up and declare publicly their electoral allegiance. The fear of going against their landlords' wishes resulted in a substantial number of candidates returned being the landlords, their relatives or cronies. There were many cases of tenants being evicted because they dared to oppose the local landowner. The Poll Books were printed by private entrepreneurs, who were assured of a profit from such a venture because interest in the Books extended beyond just those involved in local politics.

The 1832 Reform Act greatly widened the franchise, and enacted that the names of all those qualified to vote be published annually. The resulting Electoral Registers continue to this day. However, many people were disappointed because voting in the boroughs was restricted to men who occupied homes with an annual rateable value of £10. This resulted in only one in seven adult males qualifying to vote. Nor were the constituencies of equal size. Whereas 35 constituencies had less than 300 electors, Liverpool had a constituency of over 11,000.

In 1867, the vote was given, in boroughs, to all householders who had been in residence for at least one year and to all lodgers paying £10-a-year rent; in counties, to all occupiers of houses rated at £12. In 1884, the county franchise was brought into line with the boroughs. Even then only 59% of the adult male population could vote. Women could only vote if they had the relevant property qualifications. In 1918 the property qualification was abolished and all men, and women aged 30 and over, were enfranchised. There wasn't universal suffrage until 1929, when everyone over 21 could vote. Minimum details given in Voters Registers include full names of electors, and place of residence. Pre-1919 registers may also include the 'qualification' for voting.

For local and family historians, Poll Books can offer an insight into the way their ancestors voted, with the possible bonus of occupations and addresses. For the more serious researcher it is possible to study the voting allegiances across a wide geographical area, occupational groups, social strata or timescales.


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